collaborative research...questions

I have now been to many squat events at which food was relevant, and my notebooks are lavishly filled with ink of multiple colors. But taking a step back and making sense of all of these notes feels to me like stuffing the comforter thing into the comforter case when it's all knotted up after being in the dryer and you're not sure which corner goes where and it's too big to spread out anywhere so you just have to grab each corner and hope you've got the alignment right, and somehow you end up with the case over your head and the comforter is all packed into one side but still manages to spill out partway and then you realize most of the case is on the floor and now you should probably go wash it again and start over.
Maybe this isn't so relevant to collaborative work, but the first question I need to deal with, I think, is how to actually organize my data and start to look at it through my framework. Maybe I should have started doing this earlier, but I was ambivalent because I was worried that my framework would unfairly influence or bias my observation. Still.
In terms of collaboration, then, say I come up with some characterization of how squatting culture is reflected through the ways that squatters relate to food. And say that both Cassie and Fiona also have some comparable sorts of characterizations in the terms of their own frameworks. But each of our frameworks is very different. Maybe we can couch our results in the terms of our common definition of culture. Even so, they might not have anything to say to each other; their conclusions might still be unconnected. Can we then just put these three characterizations next to each other and call it a research project?
I'm afraid there are so many conditions that it might still be too early to know whether these questions will be important or necessary. Maybe figuring out how to solve my first problem will make it clearer what kinds of questions will be relevant for the second problem.

1: The Datum [assignment for VKS Tuesday]

There can really be only one. But no decapitation will be required to demonstrate the truth of this argument. There will also be no soundtrack by Queen.

Photography

Cassie - Since my project is mainly concerned with the information I receive
through conversations with the people themselves, I haven't been too
camera-happy during research so as not to come off as invasive. I have,
however, taken some pictures of political graffiti on the outsides of
squats... such as a freedom of speech one, as well as tons of anarchy and
squat symbols. Other than that, I've just taken pictures of all of us
having a good time at the squat restaurants that we eat at often.

Isaac - I have taken pictures of the food productions at the moment before they are traversed by the eater. This on 3 occasions so far.

Fiona - I’ve been using photography to document:
-certain objects of interest
-large spaces (i.e. wall areas or doors of stickers)

Speech & Hearing

Cassie - As for my interviews with squatters, I have spoken with a man and a woman
at the squat "Molli," a woman from the soon-to-be shut down squat,
"Barcelona," a woman who squats but was just hanging out at the
squat-cafe "Bollox," and a man from the squat called "Joe's Garage."
For these interviews, I asked similar questions, including:
1. Are you from the Netherlands, and if not, from where?
2. How long have you been squatting?
3. Why did you begin squatting? (For shelter or for ideological reasons?)
4. Are you involved in any political organizations?
5. Do you work?
6. Did you go to school?
7. Are you into music, art, etc.?
8. Do homeless people ever come to you interested in squatting?
9. Do you know of any reasons why it might be difficult for some homeless
people to squat?
The people I spoke with are all somewhat politically involved, but
did not necessarily begin squatting for those reasons. Some needed
shelter, and politics came afterward. Some of the squatters are
originally from the Netherlands, while one came from Finland, and another
from Chile. There seems to be a general consensus among squatters that
it is hard for homeless people to squat because many of them have mental
illnesses.
For interviews with homeless / social workers at shelters, I spoke
with a director at De Regenboog, which provides shelter, drug facilities,
and meals; I spoke with a worker at Leger Des Heils, or Salvation Army,
as well as three of the homeless men who stay there; and I spoke with two
directors at the office building of HVO Querido - which offers many
services to the homeless including shelter, drug facilities, social
workers, job programs, etc. For these interviews, I tried to get a sense
of what kinds of people stayed at the shelters there, and asked many of
the same questions that I did for the squatters, but in regards to being
homeless. Once again, I came across many different people and diverse
situations.

Isaac - Data collection of this kind has been disorganized. I have been trying to participate as much as possible in food-related activities in squats, and have been recording my experiences afterward in writing. This participation always involves my asking questions of squatters and others with connections to squatting.
All of the food-related activities so far have been volkskeuken (voku), or "folk kitchens," where volunteers prepare dinner in a situation that is something of a hybrid between a restaurant and an informal social gathering. The information that I have been recording in these situations includes what kind of food is present, how it is presented on the plate, and how it is distributed in the voku. I am also recording social information, such as where people are sitting and with whom they are talking while eating. It is often difficult to separate these aspects, so while I am trying to record as much concrete information as possible, I sometimes resort to more subjective impressions about things like atmosphere and personality. I always inquire about the origin of food ingredients. Finally, I am using narration to record people's reactions to my presence and participation.
I have eaten at squats 4 times so far, at three different squats; three of these events were officially titled "voku," and at one of them I participated not only in the dining but also in the cooking. I have also visited several squats with the intention of participating in an eating-related experience, and have recorded the reasons for my failures to do so.

Fiona - I’ve been informally interviewing people who are in the squats (not necessarily squats, although most are). Questions asked cover the following:
-basics of who they are (i.e. squatter/non-squatter; personal background; relation to current squat; ideologies)
-their thoughts and views on “the scene” (i.e. what types of people do they notice tend to be squatters)
-certain objects of interests (i.e. art piece, posters on the wall, furniture pieces)
-relationship between values/beliefs/ideologies and the above certain objects of interest

Geotagging

None yet.

Video

Nothing at this time.

fun

"The article presents information on the dinner party at Droog's Amsterdam, Netherlands headquarters. The dinner party entitled as Infinity Dinner, will be a holiday meal of 10 small courses. In the beginning there will be microgreens and young meats like veal. Movable seating will be arranged in a DNA-like shape and diners will slide every few minutes. For this party, one will wear a black dress with an overlay of twigs."

- Walsh, S. Kirk. "Grand New Party." New York Times; 12/2/2007, Vol. 157 Issue 54146, Special section p176-176, 1p

public scholarship

Domke argues that scholars have an obligation to make their ideas and findings accessible to the public. I completely agree with this idea, and not just because many universities are funded by taxes. Thinking about this way too abstractly, if ideas and information travel from the World to the University, but not back again, then, for one thing, there's no immediate reason that the integrity of the University's reflection of the World matters. The implication of this is two systems that need not have anything in common, where all of the ideas or laws in one are completely irrelevant in the other. Consider a city and a university in a world where such a scenario exists. The city has long ago stopped sending people to the university or funding it, and the citizens live as though the university doesn't exist; in the university, the dominant theory holds that the city is a fiction created by philosophers who had nothing else to study. Both places can exist autonomously, which is fine, but I am going to make a value judgment and say this situation is bad. Don't contradict me.

Both Domke and Ellison speak about hope. This is directly associated with caring--with being invested in an outcome. Impartiality is traditionally considered the most objective, scientific stance. As we've been talking about in class, however, the scholar is never without bias, so perhaps the most objective position is one of open, authentic subjectivity. This is what I think these authors mean by hope.

In terms of my group's research project, this reading has provided great arguments for why it is important for us to make our results available outside of academia. I am also inclined to be more transparent about my own opinions about all this--still being careful not to let this become an excuse not to do authentic research. That is--and maybe I should really have emphasized this above--it's important to acknowledge one's subjectivity while still striving toward impartial research methods!

Heights of Fashion

The first thing to notice about this troika--and the central accessory--is in the third (bottom) partition: the piece of chair wood in the lower left corner. The hierarchical opposite of the blue knee monolith, it asserts itself as an essential subject, without which the knee's power would seem vain, if not ridiculous. Humble yet unassailable, it stands apart from the rest, and for viewers it provides almost a surrogate perspective or vantage point. It is through this item, then, that the outfit assumes a character of preeminence.

Studying the knee in particular, we observe four primary dark, nearly triangular patches along the river of the seam--a metaphor for the countryside, no doubt. The serpentine though trough-like extension to the southeast further suggests an irrigation channel; the even texture on the opposite side evokes uniform fields of wheat or spinach.

The next partition is clearly a communications grid, whereby we recognize that we are at the central nervous system. White hubs in the center are not merely decorative formalities, but serve as informational relay points. Messages are combined at these units into complete and lucid memories, which facilitate the direct communication between left furrow and right furrow, or Idea and Praxis, respectively. The colors indicate that the bearer is of or related to the Malcolm Clan.

Finally, at top, the outfit puts on a more leisurely expression for the end of the day. The thick, coarse weaving pattern and chaotic but dichromatic incorporation of materials recalls the Hungarian revolution of 1956--the hope, the daring, but ultimately the disaster; just so, the two colors attempt to integrate, but lose cohesion and ultimately distract. Whence the element of repose? It is just this transduction from historical event to vestimentary appendage that produces the energy required for genuine peace of mind. Blocking out all other detail, the sock cannot be denied.

-------------------------------------------------

After reading what the author of the above has written about what I'm wearing, I have to say that I'm not sure that I completely buy his analysis. I could try to give an account of the reasoning that went into my dress in order to contradict him, but on a broader level this would be irrelevant and, even worse, arbitrary: how can a series of rational actions have anything to say about what is immediately, obviously, and empirically apparent? And rational is just the right word--any memory that claims to be the authoritative account of an event is really just a rationalization.

So I won't try to oppose what he has written, especially not by crossing levels. I could, however, add my own level of description, which could serve to complement the other. The sections of sock, shirt, and jeans shown here are part of a larger set of clothing that includes a complete pair of socks, a pair of jeans (one item), and the rest of the shirt, as well as a black t-shirt underneath, and olive-green boxer shorts under the jeans. The jeans are much lighter than they were originally, and the bottoms are slightly torn. This suggests either that I like this worn look, or I don't buy clothes very often. Maybe I'm not interested in my clothes, or maybe I just don't get very many opportunities to buy them. Or maybe it represents an ideal of getting the most out of items and only replacing them when necessary. Being myself, and believing that I know at least certain levels of my thoughts about these things, I can say that the truth is probably a combination of all of these things, to varying degrees. The plaid shirt is very difficult for me to read. It looks newer than the jeans, and obviously has more color, but I think it's pretty mute in another sense. As for the socks, they cannot be denied.

Mieke Bal Question 2

..THURSDAY, YES! (why not?)

In discussing Ken Aptekar's After his license was suspended, Bal points out that the reframing of the Herbert Regnault original, rather than creating or maintaining a distinction, as frames usually do, serves to "de-otherize" or familiarize the subject of the original portrait. Is that just because it is reframing something in a way that is less otherizing than the original frame, or can an original framing also lead to an "embrace" in some way? In the context of social research, then, can a theoretical frame be empowering to or embracing of a group only if it reframes an existent, divisive frame? I mean, I guess the answer is yes, because there can only really be no frame around something if no one is aware of it as a distinct category. And in that case, any indication of a distinction is necessarily divisive in some way. But maybe that's taking this idea too literally. So how does a researcher use a frame to empower? Bal says that "for art to empower, it must be performative." I'm not sure I understand this concept, or the concept of theatricality in this context. And if Carrie Parker was necessary to make Aptekar's piece empowering, who is the Carrie Parker of research?

they rob gas stations

Question 1: What is the gastronomy of squatting in Amsterdam?

____Attendant question: Is squatting a counterculture, or a subculture?

________Attendant question: What is the difference between a counterculture and a subculture?

________Preliminary response: A subculture is "a cultural group within a larger culture, often having beliefs or interests at variance with those of the larger culture" (OED). A counterculture is a subculture that has beliefs or interests directly opposed to those of the larger culture. This doesn't address what these two terms might mean in a social research context, but it's a start. For one thing, it makes the distinction seem less consequential for a research question that doesn't address it directly.

Question 8: M. de Certeau writes that "Everyday life invents itself by poaching in countless ways on the property of others. How (a) do squatters (b) use this idea of "poaching"? How is this related (c) to the gastronomy of squatting?

(a) "How do squatters _____?" assumes that the answer to "do squatters _____?" is positive. This will need to be accounted for either by incorporating it into the question, or using earlier research to establish it in the background.

(b) "Squatters" could stand for a movement in general, or it could stand for a particular group of squatters (which has yet to be located).

(c) Either one could influence the other, or both (or neither...).

=====================================================

In general, having a conceptual framework can make observation a lot easier, because it can give a picture of what one would expect to see, so then one knows what to look for, and what to look for the absence of, and can frame one's research in terms of how the image(s) observed are similar to or different from the expected or reference image(s).

For an analytic frame, I've been thinking about M. de Certeau's idea of productive consumption, or "poaching" (i.e., squatting). This, or any theoretical framework, would be useful in framing (by case) observations (of behavior and of physical traces) in terms of how well they fit this model. This frame suggests some questions I could ask about my observations: are they examples of using finished products (especially of the "larger culture") in ways that turn them into something different? In the broadest case this is pretty obvious: squatters use empty buildings and turn them into places to live. What about with respect to gastronomy? Do squatters appropriate other "products" and resources creatively to produce and consume food? Or do they acquire, prepare, and consume most of their food the "conventional" way?

The connection between this framework as applied to squatting, and the concept of gastronomy, still seems tenuous. So I'm in search of another, food-framing theory. Also, I don't know if M. de Certeau's theory is going to be common to the whole group, and it would be a good idea to have at least one overarching theory, within which the focus-specific frames could vary.

In other words, we're not finished with this part yet.

fun with formatting

_____Another thing about M. de Certeau's essay:
_____as he himself says,
_____it's not a complete framework in itself;
_____it's more of an outline for future frameworks to be made from.
_____Its biggest contribution is its emphasis of usage,
_____as opposed to only social relations and behaviors.
_____M.C. develops this usage idea further with his conception of it as a productive consumption,

_____but this is still rather domain-general.
_____This is why I need to find another framework that either gives a more specific account of squatting and/or gastronomy,

_____or else provides a more complete body of theory.
_____M.C.'s framework is really an appendage,
_____or else a meta-framework that can filter my application of other frameworks

_____--or else an inter-framework,
_____mediating between other frameworks and evidence by crossing buses.